The German Right, 1860-1920
Political Limits of the Authoritarian
Imagination
James
Retallack
Opinion
In this book
– James J. Sheehan, Dickason Professor in the Humanities,
Professor of Modern
European History Emeritus,
This collection of
essays is welcome indeed. From many sources, it draws together
–
–
James Retallack has
written a provocative and compelling set of essays on right-wing politics that
spans the period from the 1860s to
Retallack’s prose is alive with wit and cheeky gestures … The volume is handsomely produced and replete with instructive illustrations …
This is a first-rate collection by a historian of the first
rank. It makes us appreciate German conservatism’s accommodation, conditioning,
and manipulation of modernity in new ways. We are richer for the volume, and it
will certainly be read by all historians who seek to understand
–
Retallack’s most recent
book offers several alternatives to conventional studies of political movements.
Rather than utilizing a chronological framework, there are several essays that
illustrate the interpretive points about the German Right that Retallack (
– H. D. Andrews, Emeritus, Towson University,
in CHOICE 44, no. 11 (July 2007)
The
first two chapters, on conservatism and the rise of ‘demagogic’ new right
politics in Imperial Germany, have a strongly historiographical character …
Subsequent chapters draw on Retallack’s work on Saxony, and highlight the
importance of the regional level to Imperial German politics … The final two
chapters trace the trajectory of the German conservatives in the Wilhelmine
period …
[This
book] should be read by anyone seriously interested in the history of Imperial
Germany and, more broadly, in the ways in which the European right adapted
itself to the exigencies of mass politics in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries.
–
Only a few scholars would agree with political philosopher Panajotis Kondylis’ bold hypothesis of an irretrievable decline of Conservatism by the nineteenth century … and some of the more profound responses to this provoking theory can now be found in James Retallack’s outstanding collection of essays.
All essays ponder different aspects of the crucial conversion and modernization of the German Right in the Kaiserreich, thereby extending, specifying, and sometimes slightly adjusting the arguments presented by the author in his highly acclaimed … Notables of the Right (1988). It comes as no surprise, then, that almost all chapters have a sound and strong historiographical basis. The reader is stunned more than once by the extensive knowledge of [this] scholar … In addition, several chapters also offer fresh empirical insights, for example, his brilliant chapter “Publicity and Partisanship,” which deals with the right-wing reservation towards mass communication in general and newspaper journalism in particular. … While Retallack carefully reconstructs the different roots and levels of antisemitism, we also learn a lot about the spatial dynamics of politics in Imperial Germany. Even though many conservative politicians tried to distance themselves from all racist furors on a national level, they exerted it at the same time for strategic purposes on a regional level. …
Anyone with an interest in the long and complex transition of right-wing politics from the mid-nineteenth century to the early stages of the Weimar Republic should take a closer look at this book.
– Marcus M. Payk, Zentrum für
Zeithistorische Forschung, Potsdam,
in German Studies Review 31, no. 3 (Oct. 2008)
James Retallack’s The German Right, 1860-1920 provides fruitful insights into its topic, laying out a map of the field, challenging received wisdom, and suggesting new roads forward. … The volume as a whole coheres around the idea that the German Right remained a pillar of an authoritarian and anti-democratic regime, despite the fissures that erupted within the movement and between the Right and the state …
Retallack concludes that “well before Bismarck fell from power, Conservatives knew that they confronted the immense task of reconciling traditional attachments to authority with the search for political scapegoats upon whom they could load all responsibility for Germany’s ills” (p. 313). Jews, capitalism, and liberalism thus formed an unholy triumvirate in conservative minds, to be opposed by Christian social reform. And although the party moved into increasing opposition from the 1890s onward, Retallack argues that one chancellor after another was forced to acknowledge the importance of the Conservative Party in sustaining the authoritarian nature of the empire. Conservatives, too, were keen not to abandon the government altogether, lest it begin to seek support from the left. These were the limits of the authoritarian imagination; while increasingly at odds with one another, neither the party nor the state were seriously willing to contemplate a move to a more popular form of government. Stasis won out over reform, at least until 1914.
–
Three main themes run through the essays: the relationship between a more elitist conservatism and a populist, radical-nationalist right-wing politics, the place of anti-Semitism in the politics of the German right, and the relationship between conservative politics and state authorities. Based on an impressive and extensive corpus of empirical evidence, written in a lively and elegant style, the work offers a plethora of insights and reasoned formulations.
–
“Authoritarian types
with democratic gloves” –
Examining regional culture and politics also helps to confirm one of the more seminal arguments of Retallack’s book, namely that antisemitism pervaded the German Conservative Party earlier in its existence and to a greater extent than previously thought … Retallack’s most interesting chapter examines conservative periodicals and journalism in Imperial Germany. Retallack argues that conservative parties were not as adept as liberal ones at mobilizing magazines and newspapers for political mass influence. Most of their ineffectiveness lay with their distaste for democracy and their cultivation of elitism, both of which ran counter to the basic assumptions of a democratizing press … [Retallack] does scholarship a service by challenging commonly held beliefs and clarifying others about the German Right during the mid-to-late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
–
Über weite Strecken hinweg ist das Buch von James N.
Retallack … eine überaus kompetent verfasste und flüssig zu lesende Geschichte
der Historiographie des Konservatismus. Das ist alles andere als ein Nachteil,
weil Retallack ein äußerst komplexes Forschungsdesign für zukünftige Studien
entwirft und genau dort einhakt, wo die Forschungsdefizite zum Thema bestehen:
Bei der Frage nach dem Zusammenhang von „Staatsverständnis“ und
„Massenmobilisierung“, von konservativem „Gouvernementalismus“ und
„Grundsatzopposition“, und dort wo es gilt, die regionale und „ideologische“
Vielfalt des Konservatismus zu erforschen; bei der Aufhebung der
preußenzentrierten Perspektive; bei der Frage, mit welchen Strategien die
Konservativen den Aufbruch in den „politischen Massenmarkt“ (Hans Rosenberg)
und die „Fundamentalpolitisierung“ (Karl Mannheim) angingen; bei der
Einbeziehung der Gender-Perspektive, wo die Forschung trotz vielversprechender
Ansätze noch weitgehend in den Anfängen steckt; bei den offenen Fragen nach der
Umsetzung des „lingustic“, „cultural“ und „spatial turns“ in der
Geschichtswissenschaft und nicht zuletzt bei der Frage nach Genese,
Funktionsweise und Erosion eines regional differenzierten konservativen
Milieus.
– Reinhold Weber, Landeszentrale für politische Bildung Baden-Württemberg,
in H-Soz-u-Kult (June 2007)
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Last Updated: 1 June 2016.